The U.S. decision that could pave the way for renewable energy will give climate advocates a boost

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The U.S. decision that could pave the way for renewable energy will give climate advocates a boost

The decision that could open the floodgates to renewable energy across much of the eastern U.S. came in early July after months of closed-door haggling within an organization many Americans don't know exist.

PJM Interconnection LLC runs the nation's biggest electricity grid, a wide web of electrical wires that span parts of 13 states from Jersey Shore to Mississippi River and cover much coal industry. Its low profile is a measure of its success. PJM prides itself on keeping the lights on at a time when blackouts have plagued power grids in California and Texas, sometimes with deadly results.

All reliability comes with a price. Critics say PJM's capacity auctions, which require utilities to secure power three years in advance as a type of blackout insurance, have led to billions of dollars in unsustainable fossil fuel energy suppliers and propped up inefficient costs for customers. The switch to clean energy transforming other U.S. grids has barely touched PJM — it gets only 6% of its power from renewable sources such as wind and solar compared with more than 40% in California and more than 25% in Texas. That disparity is likely to get more attention after climate scientists warned this week that the planet will warm by 1.5 degrees Celsius in the next two decades, with more severe heating expected if the world doesn't take drastic measures to reduce fossil fuel use.

Hundreds of electric utilities, power plant operators and energy traders who belong to PJM and vote on its decisions have been fighting over renewable power for years. Some states with ambitious climate change goals and serving states need to push for solar, wind, and batteries. Others want to keep their old coal and gas power plants alive as long as possible.

But the July decision, aided by Biden administration's regulatory support, looks set to give climate advocates a boost. The result could be a massive buildout of offshore wind on the Atlantic Coast, to Virginia from north. That would not only revamp the entire system of PJM, but it could also demolish natural gas as the country's no. 7 power source and all its fuels. On the basis of Morgan Stanley analyst Stephen Byrd, 1 power plant oil will be injected by 2028, according to 2 people. About 27,000 megawatts of offshore wind — roughly the capacity of 27 nuclear reactors — are planned, and 33% of that is in PJM territory, he says. The share of renewables in U.S. power production will increase this year to 27% and by 2030 to 10%.

More states want to take control of their destiny and achieve a certain mix of power plants, with the whole goal of decarbonization says Byrd. They're going to do that, plow through regardless of the market rules and it's clear they have legal right to do that.

PJM'S PRIME MISSION is straightforward enough: Keep electricity flowing, without fail, to 65 million people — one-fifth of the U.S. population. The ways it does so can be incredibly public, and not all of them are open to view.

Day and night, PJM orchestrates the flow of electrons over 85,100 miles of high voltage cables connecting the Illinois prairie, the Rust Belt cities of North Carolina, Appalachia's coal and shale gas country, Washington, D.C. the New Jersey suburbs, and the northern edge of Maryland. Some 1,400 generators supply the energy, all of it monitored on walls of video screens in a control room at PJM's Valley Forge, Pa. headquarters. Each state can aid supply the others. Compare that with Texas, which has largely blocked its grid from its neighbors. The Lone Star State paid the price for its isolation in February, when a deep freeze plunged millions of customers into the dark and cold for nearly a week, causing at least $20 billion in economic damage and leaving more than 200 people dead.

The Grid isn't the only way PJM keeps the lights on. The organization also runs markets in which its 1000 - plus members buy and sell electricity. In 2007, PJM created a capacity market for utilities to buy contracts that ensure the delivery of electricity even during peak demand and supply disruptions. Texas has nothing like it. Consumer advocates say PJM's obsession with always having more than enough juice jacks up homeowners' monthly bills. One estimate, by Wilson Energy Economics, persuades the overspending at as much as $4.4 billion a year.

PJM CAME FIRST MARKETS. The organization was born as a cross-border experiment at a time when electricity grids were still spreading across the nation. In 1927 three utilities -- one in Pennsylvania and two in New Jersey -- formed a joint power pool in which each company could buy electrical power from the others' plants. The world's first such venture, it meant that those plants which could supply power at the highest price would be tapped first, reducing costs for all three utilities. The experiment was a success and showed how to expand. In 1956, Baltimore utility signed up and led to the Pennsylvania-New Jersey Interconnection PJM:

Curiously, the PJM was operated for most of its existence by one department of just one of its member utilities. It wasn't until 1997 when it became fully independent, the same year that it opened its first energy market bid-based and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission approved it as the nation's first independent system operator, or ISO. In 2002, FERC will dub PJM as the country's first regional transmission organization, or RTO, after a series of new regulations intended to encourage increased competition in power markets.

Think of the RTOs and ISOs as nation's grid keepers: They oversee everything from the regulated mission of electric transmission to the markets and auctions that set prices, and even the regional advanced planning to project electricity use in the years ahead. They decide who's on and who's out when it comes to supplying our electricity. No new plant can plug into the grid without the grid operator's permission.

The PJM has evolved into an odd hybrid. It's technically a membership corporation, but it functions as a private company. Its more than 500 voting members can set policy through votes on internal committees, but it also has a staff and governing board that make their own decisions. Member companies often have wildly heated interests, and their debates can sometimes get divergent. One participant described it as having not just one 800 pound gorilla in the room, but a dozen, each used to getting its own way.

'Every now and again, you'll get some really passionate advocacy in those settings, says Asim Haque, PJM member for state policy and president services. 'They can yell at each other and then go over with lunch together. I've seen that happen multiple times.

PJM's geographical expanse has long been one of its greatest strengths. But right now states with conflicting agendas are jockeying for position. Kentucky, Ohio and Maryland are often at odds with coal state states like West Virginia or Kentucky, Ohio, and other places whose coal country doesn't have offshore wind farms as big job generators.

The FERC's Chairman under President Barack Obama says that what they have probably do is sunk with PJM to only having to meet the needs of the less common denominator in their footprint" in terms of adding renewables, says Jon Wellinghoff.

That tension finally came to a head over the capacity market's dismal offer price rule in 2018, known by the acronym MOPR. The rule set a price floor on all power plants that receive state support, to prevent them from gaining unsubsidized advantage against unfair plants in the capacity auction bidding.

First implemented more than a decade ago, MOPR was designed to prevent New Green Power from artificially depressing prices in the market and initially targeted large power plants built across the mid-Atlantic with new natural gas fired wind turbines. In 2016 several power plant operators petitioned FERC to expand MOPR to counter the potential advantage gained by nuclear plants received subsidies from Ohio and Illinois. In 2018, PJM presented its own MOPR overhaul to FERC to include the increasing number of nuclear plants — particularly nuclear plants. Certainly the proposal was designed to reduce the power of renewable energy by building new solar power plants that exempted from state climate charity objectives. A few months later, FERC ordered PJM to expand the MOPR price floors to renewable power like wind and solar.

Clean power advocates say the move was an attempt by Trump appointees to block new renewable projects from the capacity market. Inquisitive, officials in New Jersey threatened to pull out of those markets. Some members grumbled that PJM was picking up coal plants and propping a pointless fight with the states. The fight proved so contentious that, after FERC approved the revised MOPR rule in 2019, PJM's annual capacity auction was delayed for two years as members quarreled over it. Dominion Energy's utility did finally exit PJM's capacity market before the delayed auction was finally held in May.

'Instead of using the last five years to try to find a way to use markets to help the states — and possibly the planet — in making carbon pollution more expensive, we've been working on ways to make clean energy more expensive, Kathleen Barr n, executive vice president for government affairs and public policy at power plant company Exelon Corp. said at a March meeting with FERC about the rule.

The backroom fight included not just Exelon with its large fleet of nuclear plants, but American Electric Power, Calpine, FirstEnergy, NRG Energy, Public Service Enterprise Group, Vistra, and others — all looking to protect their own plants and plans.

John Ngaik, who served as FERC chairman under President Trump, defends the rule as an important means of maintaining PJM's valued reliability. He says California, whose grid is now veering toward blackouts when the sun sets upon its solar power plants during heat waves — shows what can happen when a state government pushes the switch to renewables too quickly. What is happening in California in particular you could very easily see happening in PJM if politicians make decisions about the future resources of PJM, Chatterjee says.

What is the only auction held under the extended MOPR wasn't so bad for renewable power after all? Overall auction prices plunged. Nuclear plants collapsed as expected, with some operators saying they could have to close reactors. Renewable energy sources fared better than predicted, and low prices did little to help coal. Chatterjee says the results disprove some of the'sky is falling' rhetoric' from MOPR opponents. I find it very difficult to justify a wholesale market change in the immediate aftermath of an auction that quite frankly didn't reflect those concerns, he says.

But Richard Glick, the new FERC chairman, says the impact of MOPR on new renewable energy generators would become evident in future auctions if it isn't changed. Fixing the rule now'matters a lot, he says. If FERC continues to mandate barriers to markets as a means of achieving greenhouse gas emissions reductions in India, may states end up with no chances of meeting climate goals.

Opinions on PJM debates can be written in one voice not internal? They have some jukeboxing within PJM's decision making system, but it's largely advisory. Each state has a consumer advocate who can cast a vote, but they're easily drowned out by hundreds of companies. An association of state utility regulators, the Organization of PJM states, acts as a liaison to various capitals, but it has no formal power.

In Maryland's state legislature, this grates on lawmakers like Lorig Charkoudian, a member of the public utilities subcommittee who serves on the public utility subcommittee. She promised her voters action on clean power. PJM responds to one Government Agency, FERC, and not her or her colleagues. 'What they keep saying is, 'We are accurate on state policies and technically, that's neutral says, Charkoudian says. Public Service Enterprise Group Inc. one of PJM's three founding members is trying to build a 1,000 MW wind farm 15 miles off the coast of New Jersey's southern tip. Under MOPR, that farm and others planned nearby won't be able to compete in the capacity market, says PSEG chief executive Ralph Izzo. They'd lose an important source of income. Plus, the state's power utilities would still have to buy capacity contracts from other power plants to meet PJM's reserve requirements, even though they wouldn't actually need those contracts because they’d be getting their power from the wind farms.

'It's structured to ignore offshore wind, as if it is not there, says Izzo, who doesn’t like being in odds with an organization his own company helped create. 'New Jersey would end up paying two times the capacity of New Jersey.

The election of Joe Biden – and his administration's commitment to a carbon-free grid by 2035 changed the conversation. Leadership of FERC passed to MoPR, who didn't agree with Glick in the first place. 'The fact is, we have to figure out if the commissioners believe the current approach is reasonable and just, and if not, we have to change it, Glick says. 'My opinion is that it's probably not.

It became clear that regulators would change PJM’s rule if PJM didn't do it first. After a series of votes in June and July, PJM board members gutted the rule.

If approved by FERC, the decision could end up driving many coal plants out of business and pave the way for row after row of offshore wind turbines along the mid-Atlantic shore, creating a whole new industry for coastal states.

There are still obstacles. PJM's process for vetting new power plants that want to connect to the grid was designed for a time when it would receive maybe 250 connection requests in a year, almost all for plants burning natural gas, says Ken Seiler, PJM vice president for planning. The number has now grown to almost 1,000 projects per annum, 93% of them renewable, he says. Many don't have financing yet and may never get built. The company is looking for ways to simplify the process, analyzing projects in batches.

'You don't quadruple a queue and expect to turn out the same results as quickly, Seiler says. I would argue yes, it takes more time, but we usually get the answers right.

And a fight is already brewing within PJM over who will have to buy the transmission lines using all these new clean power facilities, where they'll get built and how they'll be paid for. Many states that rely on PJM's grid have grand plans for carbon-free power, and they'll need PJM's cooperation, like it or not. 'Your average person who cares deeply about these issues doesn't know that there is this sobering shadow government — this shadowy body that has all this authority, says Maryland's Charkoudian.

Some state officials say that with new CEO Manu Asthana, who took over last year, the company is making more of an effort to work with states. PJM has formed a partnership with the New Jersey Board of Public UtilitiesJersey Board of Public Utilities to plan and approve transmission lines linking some of those wind farms to the grid. It's also created an office of state policy solutions, under Haque.

'They obviously have a different philosophy from the previous administration, says Joseph Fiordaliso, president of New Jersey's Board of Public Utilities. 'It is much more conducive to team play.